Saturday, August 18, 2007

Poor in India hard hit by floods

By Amelia Gentleman
International Herald Tribune
Thursday, August 16, 2007

Losing everything he owns has become a routine disaster for Shankar, 25, a landless laborer in the northeastern state of Bihar, who this month saw his home and belongings destroyed in some of the worst floods to hit north India in decades."This is the third time I've lost my house in the rains," he said, standing in water, peering into the shell of his home, hopeful of salvaging something from the ruins. "This year the rains were worse, and the waters are deeper. But in the end it's the same. I have nothing left."Only the roof of his thatch house was visible above the muddy green waters that turned his village of Malinagar into a lagoon two weeks ago. Beneath the rippling surface, the straw walls have slipped over and his stock of grain for the winter, his clothes, furniture and children's possessions are slowly rotting.The monsoon rains in India are a democratic force. When the skies open, the water pours on the homes of rich and poor alike. But after the deluge, the poor always suffer most.Bihar is the most backward state in India, barely touched by the soaring growth and new economic confidence of the major cities. Yet there are gradations within this poverty, and sub-classes of richer and poorer co-exist. The richer residents of Malinagar still have their homes, made from sturdy brick and concrete. Some managed to shelter on their flat roofs, when the flood came at the start of the month. The poorer, living in shacks without electricity, at the exposed edges of the village, had to flee to roughly made shelters on higher land.
Those with a few hundred rupees to spare were able to buy plastic sheeting from the market, which they slung between bamboo poles to protect their families against the lashing rain. Others had only the scant cover offered by saris and stitched-together sacks. The most ill-prepared huddled beneath plantain leaves. Later they witnessed their own flimsy homes sink beneath the waters, disintegrating in the currents.This week the flood began receding, replaced by a stinking, stagnating sludge, but villages remain cut off, and many of those houses that have re-emerged are uninhabitable. Hundreds of thousands of people are still sheltering beneath bed sheets along the raised highways crisscrossing the state, just inches away from the traffic, which grinds past, splattering them with mud. Life cannot yet begin again for most of the 14 million that the United Nations estimates have been affected by the crisis in Bihar.Unicef officials said Thursday that about 2,800 people in India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan have died since the monsoon season began from drowning, waterborne illnesses, snakebites or hunger. But for most, the real endurance test is just beginning. With crops destroyed and fields bloated with water, there will be no agricultural work for millions of landless laborers here for many months, leaving them to rely on the sporadic support of aid agencies and government relief organizations. Unicef said it was concerned by the prospect of worsening child malnutrition.In a certain light, in the lull between the storms, Malinagar becomes a mirage of watery beauty. Beyond the shells of drowned houses, the floodwaters from the burst Bagmati River stretch as far as the eye can see. A month ago, the lake was a parched wheat field. Now village girls sit like mermaids, combing their hair, half-submerged beneath the calm lake waters, cooling themselves; children shriek with excitement as they splash by the shores.But Shankar, who goes by only one name, finds nothing to rejoice at. He is familiar with the deprivation that follows the flood. His wife and two daughters, 6 and 1, live on the wages he earns as a laborer in the fields.
Those with a few hundred rupees to spare were able to buy plastic sheeting from the market, which they slung between bamboo poles to protect their families against the lashing rain. Others had only the scant cover offered by saris and stitched-together sacks. The most ill-prepared huddled beneath plantain leaves. Later they witnessed their own flimsy homes sink beneath the waters, disintegrating in the currents.This week the flood began receding, replaced by a stinking, stagnating sludge, but villages remain cut off, and many of those houses that have re-emerged are uninhabitable. Hundreds of thousands of people are still sheltering beneath bed sheets along the raised highways crisscrossing the state, just inches away from the traffic, which grinds past, splattering them with mud. Life cannot yet begin again for most of the 14 million that the United Nations estimates have been affected by the crisis in Bihar.Unicef officials said Thursday that about 2,800 people in India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan have died since the monsoon season began from drowning, waterborne illnesses, snakebites or hunger. But for most, the real endurance test is just beginning. With crops destroyed and fields bloated with water, there will be no agricultural work for millions of landless laborers here for many months, leaving them to rely on the sporadic support of aid agencies and government relief organizations. Unicef said it was concerned by the prospect of worsening child malnutrition.In a certain light, in the lull between the storms, Malinagar becomes a mirage of watery beauty. Beyond the shells of drowned houses, the floodwaters from the burst Bagmati River stretch as far as the eye can see. A month ago, the lake was a parched wheat field. Now village girls sit like mermaids, combing their hair, half-submerged beneath the calm lake waters, cooling themselves; children shriek with excitement as they splash by the shores.But Shankar, who goes by only one name, finds nothing to rejoice at. He is familiar with the deprivation that follows the flood. His wife and two daughters, 6 and 1, live on the wages he earns as a laborer in the fields.
Those with a few hundred rupees to spare were able to buy plastic sheeting from the market, which they slung between bamboo poles to protect their families against the lashing rain. Others had only the scant cover offered by saris and stitched-together sacks. The most ill-prepared huddled beneath plantain leaves. Later they witnessed their own flimsy homes sink beneath the waters, disintegrating in the currents.This week the flood began receding, replaced by a stinking, stagnating sludge, but villages remain cut off, and many of those houses that have re-emerged are uninhabitable. Hundreds of thousands of people are still sheltering beneath bed sheets along the raised highways crisscrossing the state, just inches away from the traffic, which grinds past, splattering them with mud. Life cannot yet begin again for most of the 14 million that the United Nations estimates have been affected by the crisis in Bihar.Unicef officials said Thursday that about 2,800 people in India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan have died since the monsoon season began from drowning, waterborne illnesses, snakebites or hunger. But for most, the real endurance test is just beginning. With crops destroyed and fields bloated with water, there will be no agricultural work for millions of landless laborers here for many months, leaving them to rely on the sporadic support of aid agencies and government relief organizations. Unicef said it was concerned by the prospect of worsening child malnutrition.In a certain light, in the lull between the storms, Malinagar becomes a mirage of watery beauty. Beyond the shells of drowned houses, the floodwaters from the burst Bagmati River stretch as far as the eye can see. A month ago, the lake was a parched wheat field. Now village girls sit like mermaids, combing their hair, half-submerged beneath the calm lake waters, cooling themselves; children shriek with excitement as they splash by the shores.But Shankar, who goes by only one name, finds nothing to rejoice at. He is familiar with the deprivation that follows the flood. His wife and two daughters, 6 and 1, live on the wages he earns as a laborer in the fields.
"There is no work, so there is no money," he said. "I\'m worried about how the children will eat. Even now we are eating dry bread with salt. It\'s very sad for the children to live like that."The village leader, Vijay Sharma, said those with the least to lose had lost the most. "The richer villagers have ways of working things out. The poorest will not get any work for months more. I don\'t know how they are going to survive," he said.At a national level, the plight of these flood victims attracts little compassion. Early this month, when the United Nations declared these floods the worst in living memory, the miserable condition of the 31 million affected in India was widely covered internationally but was neither front-page news in Delhi newspapers nor featured on national news channels. Instead, bulletins were dominated by the sentencing of a Bollywood star to jail. In one paper, flood coverage was restricted to a short piece on animals being evacuated from a wildlife park.Such apathy is not unusual. English-language newspapers in India often neglect the suffering of the rural poor, more preoccupied with the triumphs of the emerging India than the familiar stories of extreme hardship experienced by hundreds of millions of Indians living on the land.Even within the government, attempts to implement a national flood prevention policy have been half-hearted. The official Web site for the Water Resources Ministry states that a National Flood Commission was established in 1976 to draw up a "coordinated" and "scientific" approach to the problem, but added: "Though the report was submitted in 1980 and accepted by government, not much progress has been made in the implementation of its recommendations."Saifuddin Soz, the Indian water resources minister, said that the suggestions of a more recent 2004 task force on flood prevention had also not been implemented because of funding shortages. He said he was hopeful that more resources might be granted as a result of the severe flooding this year. "Once the crisis is over I will be calling on the cabinet to create a national commission for flood management," he said."There is no work, so there is no money," he said. "I'm worried about how the children will eat. Even now we are eating dry bread with salt. It's very sad for the children to live like that."The village leader, Vijay Sharma, said those with the least to lose had lost the most. "The richer villagers have ways of working things out. The poorest will not get any work for months more. I don't know how they are going to survive," he said.At a national level, the plight of these flood victims attracts little compassion. Early this month, when the United Nations declared these floods the worst in living memory, the miserable condition of the 31 million affected in India was widely covered internationally but was neither front-page news in Delhi newspapers nor featured on national news channels. Instead, bulletins were dominated by the sentencing of a Bollywood star to jail. In one paper, flood coverage was restricted to a short piece on animals being evacuated from a wildlife park.Such apathy is not unusual. English-language newspapers in India often neglect the suffering of the rural poor, more preoccupied with the triumphs of the emerging India than the familiar stories of extreme hardship experienced by hundreds of millions of Indians living on the land.Even within the government, attempts to implement a national flood prevention policy have been half-hearted. The official Web site for the Water Resources Ministry states that a National Flood Commission was established in 1976 to draw up a "coordinated" and "scientific" approach to the problem, but added: "Though the report was submitted in 1980 and accepted by government, not much progress has been made in the implementation of its recommendations."Saifuddin Soz, the Indian water resources minister, said that the suggestions of a more recent 2004 task force on flood prevention had also not been implemented because of funding shortages. He said he was hopeful that more resources might be granted as a result of the severe flooding this year. "Once the crisis is over I will be calling on the cabinet to create a national commission for flood management," he said.
Among the homeless, waiting for the waters to dry up, there was less optimism.Across Bihar, memories remain fresh of Gautam Goswami, a government official named as one of "Asia's heroes" by Time magazine for his "brilliant" coordination relief operations after the 2004 floods, who later was accused of embezzling $2 million in flood relief money. The state's reputation for official corruption is well-entrenched, and local journalists question whether money allocated for repairing the river banks was ever spent.Victims say the government response this year was slow. When the floods broke, the Bihar chief minister, Nitish Kumar, was touring Mauritius. When he returned a week later he was pelted with stones by flood victims, furious at his extended absence. This week there was rioting at two distribution camps in Bihar as the homeless fought for food aid. The police beat one flood survivor to death.Manohar Paswan, 45, stared across the water at the rubble that used to be his house, his head shaven out of respect for the youngest of his seven children, a 6-month-old boy, Nitish, who died a week ago.Thursday after being bitten by one of the poisonous snakes that thrive in the floodwaters. Marooned, there was no way of getting help and Nitish soon died. Now, with no prospect of work, Paswan is concerned at how his family will eat in the months to come."Government help is nowhere to be seen," he said Among the homeless, waiting for the waters to dry up, there was less optimism.Across Bihar, memories remain fresh of Gautam Goswami, a government official named as one of "Asia's heroes" by Time magazine for his "brilliant" coordination relief operations after the 2004 floods, who later was accused of embezzling $2 million in flood relief money. The state's reputation for official corruption is well-entrenched, and local journalists question whether money allocated for repairing the river banks was ever spent.Victims say the government response this year was slow. When the floods broke, the Bihar chief minister, Nitish Kumar, was touring Mauritius. When he returned a week later he was pelted with stones by flood victims, furious at his extended absence. This week there was rioting at two distribution camps in Bihar as the homeless fought for food aid. The police beat one flood survivor to death.Manohar Paswan, 45, stared across the water at the rubble that used to be his house, his head shaven out of respect for the youngest of his seven children, a 6-month-old boy, Nitish, who died a week ago Thursday after being bitten by one of the poisonous snakes that thrive in the floodwaters. Marooned, there was no way of getting help and Nitish soon died. Now, with no prospect of work, Paswan is concerned at how his family will eat in the months to come."Government help is nowhere to be seen," he said.

Friday, August 17, 2007

भारत को एनपीटी जैसी ही शर्तों का पालन करना होगा : हावर्ड

मेलबर्न (भाषा)। आस्ट्रेलिया के प्रधानमंत्री जान हावर्ड ने आज कहा कि भारत ने हालांकि परमाणु अप्रसार संधि (एनपीटी) पर हस्ताक्षर नहीं किए हैं लेकिन कैनबरा से यूरेनियम हासिल करने के लिए उसे इस संधि जैसी ही शर्तों का पालन करना होगा।हावर्ड ने आज एबीसी रेडियो से कहा मैं आपके श्रोताओं को आश्वस्त कर सकता हूं कि समझौते पर एनपीटी जैसे ही सुरक्षा मानकों का पालन होगा। यह भारत को परमाणु हथियारों के विकास में ईंधन के प्रयोग से रोकेगा। भारत एनपीटी पर हस्ताक्षर न करने वाले चार देशों में से एक है लेकिन इसके बावजूद हावर्ड कल रात अपने भारतीय समकक्ष मनमोहन सिंह के साथ एक सैद्धांतिक समझौते पर पहुंच गए।हावर्ड ने कहा यह एक अलग मामला है और भारत ने एनपीटी पर दस्तखत नहीं किए हैं लेकिन हमारा विश्वास है कि यह व्यवस्था एनपीटी जैसे मानकों वाली ही होगी। उन्होंने कहा कि दोनों देश द्विपक्षीय सुरक्षा मानक समझौते में प्रवेश करेंगे और भारत को ऐसा ही समझौता अंतरराष्ट्रीय परमाणु ऊर्जा एजेंसी (आईएईए) के साथ करना होगा।हावर्ड ने कहा भारत पर ठीक वैसी ही शर्तें लगने जा रही हैं जैसी कि रूस और चीन पर लगी हैं तथा मेरा मानना है कि फ्रांस पर भी और हम फ्रांस को सालों से यूरेनियम बेच रहे हैं। आस्ट्रेलियाई प्रधानमंत्री ने कहा मैंने कल रात भारतीय प्रधानमंत्री से बातचीत की और मैंने उन्हें सभी शर्तों से अवगत कराया। मैं आगामी कुछ दिनों में उन्हें लिखित रूप से यह पुष्टि करने जा रहा हूं कि समझौते के लिए सभी शर्तों का पालन किया जाए।उल्लेखनीय है कि आस्ट्रेलिया यूरेनियम का एक बहुत बड़ा उत्पादक देश है और इसके दक्षिणी क्षेत्र में विश्व के सबसे बड़े माने जाने वाले कुछ भंडारण केंद्र हैं।
Last Updated[ 8/17/2007 11:18:06 AM]
राष्ट्रीय सहारा से साभार

Thursday, August 16, 2007

भारत अमेरिका परमाणु करार का सच

The truth behind the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal
by Siddharth Varadarajan
Global Research, July 29, 2005
The Hindu
In opening the door to nuclear commerce with India, Washington has confirmed how much an alliance with New Delhi is worth to it. But is anybody on the Indian side doing the math?IN THE fullness of time, last week's nuclear agreement between India and the United States will be seen as one of those decisive moments in international politics when two powers who have been courting each other for some time decide finally to cross the point of no return. The U.S. and India have `come out', so to speak, and the world will never be the same again.Every world order needs rules in order to sustain itself but sometimes the rules can become a hindrance to the hegemonic strength of the power that underpins that order. Following India's nuclear tests in 1998, the U.S. had two options: continuing to believe the Indian nuclear genie could be put back, or harnessing India's evident strategic weight for its own geopolitical aims before that power grows too immense or is harnessed by others like Europe or China. The U.S. has chosen the latter option, and the joint statement released by President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on July 18 is the most dramatic textual manifestation of what Washington is attempting to do.India too, had a choice. It could use its nuclear weapons status as a lever to push for a multipolar world system as well as for global restraints on the development of weapons of mass destruction. Or it could use its status as an instrument to help perpetuate an order based on the production of insecurity and violence in which it eventually hoped to be accommodated as a junior partner. The erstwhile Vajpayee Government was never interested in the former option and longed desperately for the latter. The fact that Dr. Singh has managed this is the real source of the BJP's bitterness, not the fact that India's nuclear weapons capability is to be capped (which it is not). Those in India who marvel at how Mr. Bush could blithely walk away from 40 years of non-proliferation policy do not understand the tectonic shift that is taking place in the bilateral relationship as a result of increasing fears in U.S. business and strategic circles about China. Giving India anything less, or insisting that it cap or scrap its nuclear weapons, is seen by Washington's neo-conservatives as tantamount to strengthening China in the emerging balance of power in Asia. "By integrating India into the non-proliferation order at the cost of capping the size of its eventual nuclear deterrent," Ashley Tellis argued in a recent monograph, "[the U.S. would] threaten to place New Delhi at a severe disadvantage vis-à-vis Beijing, a situation that could not only undermine Indian security but also U.S. interests in Asia in the face of the prospective rise of Chinese power over the long term" (India as a New Global Power: An Action Agenda for the United States, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005). This, then, is the real value of the deal in American eyes and the Indian public should be aware of it.Predictably, critics in the U.S. have raised objections of one type or another. The non-proliferation lobby argues that President Bush's decision to sell nuclear technology and equipment to India will encourage other countries to go down the nuclear path. Not so say the advocates. Mr. Tellis — a former RAND Corporation analyst who served as an advisor to Robert Blackwill when he was U.S. Ambassador to India — is most forthright. He acknowledges the contradiction between the two goals of U.S. foreign policy — building India up as a counter to China and upholding the non-proliferation regime — but says the circle can be squared. His solution: don't jettison the regime "but, rather, selectively [apply] it in practice." In other words, different countries should be treated differently "based on their friendship and value to the U.S." With one stroke of the Presidential pen, India has become something more than a `major non-Nato ally' of the U.S. It has joined the Free World. It has gone from being a victim of nuclear discrimination to a beneficiary. India is not alone. Israel is already there to give it company.From a strategic perspective, one of the most puzzling aspects of the joint statement was the inclusion of a reiteration by India of its unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing without the U.S. making an explicit reciprocal commitment to abide by its own 1992 moratorium. At stake is not a formal question of protocol but the very real danger that the U.S. might go down the path of testing at some point in the future.The 2002 Nuclear Posture Review was quite explicit on this point: "The United States has not conducted nuclear tests since 1992 and supports the continued observance of the testing moratorium. While the U.S. is making every effort to maintain the stockpile without additional nuclear testing, this may not be possible for the indefinite future." Stockpile safety is, of course, a ruse, given the fact that the U.S. is running active research programmes on a new generation of smaller and `smarter' nuclear weapons like `mini-nukes' and deep earth penetrators. Earlier this month, in fact, the U.S. Senate voted to keep alive the bunker-buster programme in the face of demands that it be scrapped.The development of deadly new nuclear weapons by the U.S. should be a matter of great concern to India for their eventual deployment will degrade the security environment in the world and Asia. The same is true of the U.S. missile defence programme, which India, regrettably, will continue to remain engaged with. The Pentagon's goal in developing a missile shield is 'full-spectrum dominance,' including the weaponisation of space. Preventing this has been a major goal of most countries at the Conference on Disarmament (CD), with China insisting that a treaty on the prevention of an arms race in outer space (PAROS) is as important as the fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT) , which would place no effective constraint on the U.S. or Russian arsenal because of their huge stockpiles of fissile material. In agreeing to "work with the U.S." on an FMCT, India has accorded primacy to this treaty over PAROS and other long-standing Indian goals at the CD such as negative security assurances and comprehensive disarmament where the U.S. is dragging its feet.Hidden costsOf all the misgivings present in the public mind, it is the fear of a quid pro quo on some other front that the Prime Minister most needs to dispel. Mr. Tellis, whose report on India-U.S. relations formed a valuable input to the Bush administration's thinking, argued, inter alia, that allowing India access to U.S. nuclear material and equipment would make New Delhi more likely to help further American strategic goals in the region. "[It] would buttress [India's] potential utility as a hedge against a rising China, encourage it to pursue economic and strategic policies aligned with U.S. interests, and shape its choices in regard to global energy stability... "When it comes to "global energy stability" are India's interests in alignment with those of the U.S.? Clearly not. It is not a coincidence that the two "American concerns" a Wall Street Journal editorial demanded the Prime Minister address during his visit were India's relations with Myanmar and Iran. Both these countries have gas reserves that are vital for our energy security. Addressing the Africa-Asia summit in Jakarta in April this year, the Prime Minister had said : "While our continents include both major producers and consumers of energy, the framework within which we produce and consume energy is determined elsewhere. We must end this anomaly." And yet, in baldly stating that no international bank would want to underwrite the Iran gas pipeline, Dr. Singh would appear to have strengthened the very outside "framework" he once spoke against.In addition to facing pressure on Iran, India is likely to be asked to let its Navy operate more frequently alongside the U.S. Navy in Asia. The purpose of these joint operations is essentially military and the U.S. wants India to also sign up for the Proliferation Security Initiative. Mr. Tellis's report had predicted that a nuclear deal would "increase [India's] enthusiasm for taking part in counter-proliferation activity in the Indian Ocean." The joint statement makes no direct mention of such cooperation though it speaks of a new "U.S.-India Disaster Relief Initiative that builds on the experience of the Tsunami core group." The real purpose of this initiative is revealed by the apparently inappropriate sub-heading under which it finds mention: `For Non-Proliferation and Security.'All told, the deal signed in Washington raises a number of questions about the Manmohan Singh Government's policies in the field of nuclear energy, disarmament, `promotion of democracy,' energy security and strategic stability in Asia. No doubt the Government has answers. Spinning euphoric reports in the mass media is not the way of providing them. The Government owes it to the people to provide a detailed account of its nuclear policy in the form of a White Paper. Let the details of the Strobe Talbott-Jaswant Singh negotiations be made public. Let the Government place on record its estimate of how much the proposed separation of civilian and military nuclear facilities will cost and what the benefits of last week's agreement will be. And let it say openly that nuclear deal or not, India will continue to work for global disarmament and has no desire to play the role of a `hedge', fence or `tether' in the U.S. plan to contain China.

Global Research Articles by Siddharth Varadarajan

Tuesday, August 14, 2007

भारत की नयी फॉरेस्ट पॉलिसी

India’s lagging forest reform
China’s forest cover has increased dramatically whereas India’s has remained stagnant
Their View
The world worries about the global environmental and social consequences of the policies of China and India, the world’s largest population and fastest growing economies. Comparisons of reforms and outcomes between China and India are ubiquitous in manufacturing, trade, agriculture and information technology. Less well known are the bold policy and institutional reforms China has initiated in the forest sector, with potentially far-reaching environmental and socio-economic consequences.
In both countries, forest land is the second largest use of land after agriculture. Critics allege that China’s rapid growth in demand for forest products has caused deforestation in the neighbouring South-East Asian countries and Russia. India’s import growth of forest products has been slower than China’s but also a cause of international concern.
Forest degradation has contributed to soil erosion, loss of watersheds and flooding, starting in the upper reaches of the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers in China and from the upper reaches of the Ganga and Brahmaputra rivers in South Asia. Deforestation is also a culprit. Improving forest cover is increasingly seen as a way of trading in carbon. Millions of poor make a living out of forests. Biodiversity and the medicinal value of many indigenous plants offer huge potential to increase the value of forest products and services.
Chinese forestry is ahead of India’s in the race for poverty reduction, productivity growth, and environmental sustainability.
Its forest plantations on state and collective forest lands have increased forest cover by 35 million hectares since the 1970s to address consumer demand.
The programme of natural forest protection is achieving ecological objectives.
The sloping land conversion programme, known as the “Grain for Green Programme”, is creating alternative livelihoods for rural households engaged in marginal agriculture on mountainous lands. It provides cash and grain subsidies to households to move out of farming. Some 15 million farmers and four municipalities are participating, reaching half of the declared target of 14.8 million hectares.
China is seeking global experience in moving from state-owned and state-managed forests to privately-managed ones while maintaining state ownership of land. It recently gave long-term user rights to households of collectivized forest lands. Introduced as a pilot in the Fujian and Jiangxi provinces, the forest tenure reform is giving authority to households in forest management, while making trees collateral and assuring land transferability. Individual workers and managers of forest enterprises have been given user rights and management responsibility for some of China’s largest and richest forests.
But there are weaknesses in the Grain for Green Programme. Households have been poorly targeted, there is insufficient adherence to the sloping and degraded lands standards, the planting material distributed is of poor quality, and farmers have not been fully compensated to develop an alternative livelihood. And there has been political pressure to expand the programme even though local and provincial governments lack the capacity for implementation.
Preliminary survey results of the tenure reform in the provinces show positive results. Increased reliance on households to manage forests has led to increased planting, improved management and increased harvests.
India’s reforms, in contrast, have been timid and halting. When India introduced Joint Forest Management (JFM) of degraded forest lands in 1988, it was at the forefront. It involved communities in forest management in return for a greater share of forest produce. JFM covers 17.3 million hectares of forest land in 27 Indian states involving 85,000 villages, but implementation has been slow.
Policy pronouncements have not corrected the erosion of land rights of forest communities or assured their role in forest management. India is moving slowly in the areas of forest replanting on public lands, increased the voice of people in forest management, and in the privatization of forest industries.
Not surprisingly, outcome indicators are sharply different in the two countries. China’s forest cover has increased whereas India’s has remained stagnant. China’s productivity per unit of forest land has increased more rapidly than India’s. With vastly increasing income choices available to rural households, China has developed a thriving domestic market for timber and other forest products. By enhancing, clarifying and securing land rights, the proposed tenure reform of forest lands is meant to encourage intensifying forest production. The government will scale back and play a strategic role in fine-tuning policies and implementing them, and offering technical advice to increase forest productivity.
Uma Lele, a Ph।D. from Cornell University, retired as senior adviser in the World Bank’s Independent Evaluation Group and co-chaired a task force of the China Council on Environment and Development on Chinese Forestry. Professor Xu Jintao has a Ph.D. from Virginia Tech and is at Beijing University.
लाइव मिंट .कॉम से साभार

Tuesday, August 7, 2007

Professor Shivji Panikkar's Mistreatment by the Sangh Parivar and the Gujrat Government's inaction

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Dr. Hari Sharma: +1-604-420-2972
Saeed Patel: +1-201-315-2874
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We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the continued targeting of Professor Shivji Panikkar of Maharaja Sayajirao University, and his allies. The Sangh Parivar's actions constitute an attack on civil liberties and academic freedom, and violate the right to freedom of movement and the right to freedom of information.
The Sangh Parivar attacked and disrupted the 'National Student's Festival for Peace Communal Harmony and Justice' on July 6, 2007. The organizers at Anhad, Act Now for Harmony and Democracy, had invited Professor Shivji Panikkar to inaugurate an exhibition of student artworks. On his arrival, a Hindutva (Hindu nationalist/extremist) mob surrounded Professor Panikkar's car, shouting slogans. When Professor Panikkar stepped out of the car, he was physically assaulted. The mob proceeded to throw bricks and an iron drum at the car, injuring the driver and smashing the windshield. Police intelligence, it has been made known, was involved and informed the crowd of the arrival of uniformed police, which allowed the mob to disperse.
On July 8, Deepak Kanna, Dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts at Maharaja Sayajirao University resigned in protest of the attack on Professor Panikkar. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has called for Professor Panikkar's exile from Gujarat, and the Akhil Bharthiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) began a signature campaign on the Maharaja Sayajirao University campus on July 11 in protest of Professor Panikkar's alleged comments on Hindu bhajans (devotional songs).
Earlier this year, on May 11, 2007, Shivji Panikkar, Dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts at Maharaja Sayajirao University, was suspended by the university administration from his appointment, for upholding a student's academic right to freedom of expression. Sangh Parivar groups had attacked student Chandra Mohan's works, displayed as part of an examination procedure, and had the artist arrested on May 9, 2007. Other students protested Chandra Mohan's arrest by exhibiting erotic works from the school's archives on the faculty porch, which the administration ordered to be shut down, which Professor Panikkar refused. The attacks against them had forced both Professor Panikkar and Chandra Mohan into seclusion out of fear for their lives.
We also condemn that such targeting has become indicative of the culture of fear and repression that is allowed to continue in Gujarat, where, following the genocide against Muslims in February-March of 2002, insufficient and negligent action has been taken to bring restorative justice to the survivors of the brutal, gendered and sexualized, violence. Failure to apprehend and bring to trial the perpetrators of criminal acts on the part of the Gujarat state administration has continued to subject minority and disenfranchised communities to a reign of terror. These acts of violence and repression are produced in particular by the complicity of state and national governments. The Government of India has failed to restore democracy by holding accountable the perpetrators, including the Chief Minister Narendra Modi and other government and law enforcement officials for the state's proven complicity in aiding and abetting the violence of 2002. The Government of India has also faile d to hold accountable the perpetrators among the cadre of Sangh Parivar groups for inflicting the violence, and, as applicable, refused to revoke their charitable status.
OUR DEMANDS:
o We call for an immediate inquiry into the events that targeted Professor Shivji Panikkar.
o We demand that the as yet outstanding case against Chandra Mohan be dismissed.
o We ask that suitable action be taken against the perpetrators.
o We demand that the police take official cognizance of the documentation produced by ANHAD, Act Now for Democracy and Harmony, regarding the identity of the perpetrators, rather than restricting its actions to filing a First Information Report (FIR) against unknown assailants.
o We call for the restoration of Professor Panikkar's appointment.
o We call for the restoration of law and order, and academic freedom, on the Maharaja Sayajirao University campus. In this regard, we demand accountability from the Vice-Chancellor of Maharaja Sayajirao University, Manoj Saini, who has direct responsibility for maintaining academic freedom on campus.
o We call for an independent inquiry into the activities of Sangh Parivar organizations that are involved in this case, such as the Akhil Bharthiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and the Bharatiya Janata Party.
o We call for an independent and impartial judicial enquiry into the government's repeated inability or refusal to maintain law and order.
SIGNATORIES:
Organizations:
1. GMAA, Gujarati Muslim Association of America
2. AIM, Association of Indian Muslims of America
3. CSDI, Coalition for a Secular and Democratic India
4. CSFH, Campaign To Stop Funding Hate
5. Dharma Megha
6. Educational Subscription Service
7. FIACONA, Federation of Indian American Organizations of North America
8. Friends of South Asia
9. India Development Society
10. India Foundation
11. IACP, Indian American Coalition for Pluralism
12. ICF, Indian Christian Forum
13. Indian Muslim Council-USA
14. IMEFNA, Indian Muslim Education Foundation of North America International Service Society
15. INSAF, International South Asia Forum Bulletin
16. Non-Resident Indians Coalition for Justice
17. Non-Resident Indians for a Secular and Harmonious India
18. SANSAD, South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy
19. Seva International
20. Supporters of Human Rights in India
21. Vaishnava Center for Enlightenment
22. Vedanata Society of East Lansing
23. Washington Watch
Individuals:
(Note: Organizational affiliations for individuals are listed for identification purposes only)
1. George Abraham
2. Rasheed Ahmed
3. Dr. Angana Chatterji, Associate Professor, Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies
4. Rebecca Kurian
5. Dr. Khursheed Mallick
6. Saeed Patel, Non-Resident Indians for a Secular and Harmonious India
7. Devesh Poddar, Director, Washington Watch Incorporated, East Lansing, Michigan
8. Mayurika Poddar, Director, India Foundation of Michigan
9. Shrikumar Poddar, President, Vaishnava Center for Enlightenment, Okemos, Michigan
10. Raju Rajagopal
11. Dr. K. S. Sripada Raju, Director, International Service Society, East Lansing, Michigan
12. Dr. Hari Sharma, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, Simon Fraser University
13. Amin Tejani, President, Shanti International, East Lansing, Michigan
14. Dr. Shaik Ubaid, Indian American Coalition for Pluralism
15. Sandeep Vaidya